They are Gerardo Hernández, Ramón Labañino, Antonio Guerrero, Fernando González and René González.

The Five were falsely accused by the U.S. government of committing espionage conspiracy against the United States, and other related charges.

But the Five pointed out vigorously in their defense that they were involved in monitoring the actions of Miami-based terrorist groups, in order to prevent terrorist attacks on their country of Cuba.

The Five’s actions were never directed at the U.S. government. They never harmed anyone nor ever possessed nor used any weapons while in the United States.

Terrorist Miami groups like Comandos F4 and Brothers to the Rescue operate with complete impunity from within the United States to attack Cuba—with the knowledge and support of the FBI and CIA.

Therefore, Cuba made the careful and necessary decision to send the Five Cubans to Miami to monitor the terrorists. The Cuban Five infiltrated the terrorist organizations in Miami to inform Cuba of imminent attacks.

The aim of such a clandestine operation by the Cuban Five—at great personal risk—was to prevent criminal acts, and thus protect the lives of Cubans and other people.

But instead of arresting the terrorists, the FBI arrested the Cuban Five ANTI-terrorists on September 12, 1998. The Five were illegally held in solidarity confinement for 17 months in Miami jail.

The trial began in November 2000. With the seven-month trial based in Miami, a virtual witchhunt atmosphere existed. Defense attorneys’ motions for a change of venue were denied five times by the judge, although it was obvious that a fair trial was impossible in that city.

In a blow to justice, the Cuban Five were convicted June 8, 2001 and sentenced to four life terms and 75 years in December, 2001.

A victory in appeals, then a surprise reversal

On August 9, 2005, after seven years of unjust imprisonment, the Cuban Five won an unprecedented victory on appeal. A three-judge panel of the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals overturned the convictions of the Cuban Five and ordered a new trial outside of Miami.

However, in an unexpected reversal on Oct. 31, the 11th Circuit Court agreed to hear the U.S. prosecutors’ appeal. Therefore the opinion overturning the Cuban Five’s convictions has been set aside while a new appeal is heard.

Who are 5 Cuban Political Prisoners Behind Bars in the U.S.A.?
They are five Cubans who were trying to stop the ultra-right terrorist groups in Miami from carrying out violent actions against the people of Cuba.

Since 1959, these organizations have conducted bombings, assassinations and other sabotage, killing hundreds of innocent Cuban civilians. Groups like Alpha 66, Omega 7, Brothers to the Rescue, and Cuban American National Foundation have terrorized the Cuban people for years with impunity.

The Cuban people have been targets of US policy, including a 43-year economic blockade designed to punish a whole people who have chosen a different road for building their society. They have been victims of terror attacks by the Miami-based mafia, many of whom came from the wealthy class that left Cuba after the popular overthrow of dictator Fulgencio Batista. Others of the ultra-right in Miami were police thugs for the Batista regime.

Gerardo Hernández, Antonio Guerrero, Ramón Labañino, René González and Fernando González, acting in defense of their people, were living in Miami, monitoring these terrorist groups to prevent future violence.

But because the U.S. government - through the CIA - has played the principal role in funding, training and arming the ultra-right Miami mafia, the FBI targeted the five Cubans instead of arresting the terrorists.

This is the only reason that the five Cubans are in prison. They were framed up in a political witchhunt and railroaded by the U.S. in a 7-month trial in Miami, where it was impossible for them to have an impartial and fair trial.

Falsely charged with espionage on the US, in reality, the five brothers’ mission was to follow the activities of the right-wing to prevent harm to innocent people. After their arrest by the FBI in September 1998, they were convicted June 8, 2001 and sentenced December 2001.

The months-long struggle to free Elián González from the Miami right-wing showed the US people the true nature of these Mafia-type groups in Miami, who so cruelly tried to deny a father and his son their right to live together in their own country, simply because that country is Cuba.

Terrorists like José Basulto and Ramón Saúl Sánchez, who have been convicted of criminal acts, actually became “spokesmen” for the Miami family. They vowed never to let Elián return home and put him at tremendous risk for their political aims.

To all justice-loving people in the U.S. and around the world, we appeal to you to join the struggle to free Fernando, René, Antonio, Ramón and Gerardo. Help us in outreach, education

From Time magazine, Friday 2nd. March, 1962.

Bells v. Ballots

Malta is a special landmark in Christian history, and the Roman Catholic hierarchy has always played a weighty role in the island’s affairs (present population: 330,000, of whom 98% are Catholic). But in recent times, as last week’s elections again demonstrated, the church’s influence has been challenged sharply by the Maltese Labor Party and its leader, Dom Mintoff, a Rhodes scholar who once studied for the priesthood.

Mortal Sin. As Prime Minister from 1955 till 1958, Mintoff advocated policies that Malta’s Archbishop, Sir Michael Gonzi, feared would limit the church’s control over education, religion and family life. Gonzi protested the importation of badly needed teachers because many were non-Maltese Catholics (”They are born and bred in a Protestant atmosphere, and can never become perfect Catholics”).

When Mintoff tried to boost tourism in order to help the economy, hurt by cutbacks at the British naval base, the Archbishop squelched a proposal to build a gambling casino and censured bikinis as immodest. Finally, left-leaning Mintoff threatened to seek economic aid from neutralist Egypt or Communist Yugoslavia. For “grave offenses against ecclesiastical authorities,” the Archbishop put the Labor Party’s entire leadership under interdict (denying them confession, communion or consecrated burial), made it a mortal sin for a Catholic to support the Socialists.

This feud set the stage for the bitterest election campaign in the island’s history. Lined up against the Labor Party were five other parties, all acceptable to Archbishop Gonzi. While Mintoff ran on a hate-Britain platform that urged an independent, neutralist Malta, his chief opponents, the Nationalists, advocated independence within the Commonwealth. (The island currently has self-government except in defense and foreign affairs, which are supervised by a British high commissioner.) But in the months leading up to last week’s election, foreign policy issues were overshadowed by the emotional struggle between church and state.

“Open War.” Churches drowned out Socialist rallies by loudly ringing their bells for three hours at a stretch. On the narrow streets of Pawla, Labor Party youths and Young Christian workers fought pitched battles with stones and wine bottles. Posters proclaimed: “Every vote for Mintoff is another thorn in the Sacred Heart of Jesus.” Maltese spinsters paraded in a pilgrimage of prayer for his defeat, wearing the faldetta, the traditional national headdress. Concluded an English observer: “This is open war.”

When the votes were counted, the Labor Party was clearly defeated. Polling one-third of the popular vote, it lost control of the 50-seat legislature, keeping only 16 seats while the combined opposition won 34. Of these, 25 went to the Nationalists, whose leader, George Borg Olivier, will be asked to form the new government. Laborite Mintoff scoffed at the results, labeled the election “the most unfair in the island’s history.”

Zamba al “Che”

 Dio e Berlusconi

Give peace a chance

La Taranta di Centro Destra

 Abbiamo delle belle buone lingue

The Internationale

Bandiera Rossa

Kien wieħed li għax il-ħabs qatt ma mar
Kien jaħsbu lukanda five star
Iżda meta Kordin
Spiċċa ħuħ għal sitt snin
Beda jgħid li bħall-ħabs ma hawnx agħar.

_________________________________

Kien hemm Għarbi miexi fi-triq
Ma martu viċin Wied Għammieq
Għadda razzista
Nisrani u faxxista
U qabad jagħtihom bis-sieq.

__________________________

Kien hemm wiehed kunjomu Axisa
Li għax darba tagħtu għatisa
Mar jiġri l-isptar
U hemm żball kbir sar
Għax qatgħulu il-bajd u il-pesisa.

______________________________

Lukanda famuża mill-kbar
Tiftaħar li hija five star
Fil-kċina hemm l-għajnuna
Ta tletin persuna
U magħhom xi ħmistas il-far.

After graduating from the University of Bologna law school, Matteotti entered law practice and joined the Italian Socialist Party. He was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1919 and reelected in 1921 and 1924, by which time he had become secretary general of his party. In the meantime, Mussolini, who had succeeded in gaining power, was conducting terroristic attacks on leftists. On May 30, 1924, Matteotti addressed a ringing denunciation of the Fascist Party to the Chamber. Less than two weeks later (June 10) six Fascist squadristi kidnapped Matteotti in Rome, murdered him, and hastily buried his body outside the city near Riano Flaminio.

Mussolini, at first taken aback by his loss of public favour, decided to take the offensive. On Jan. 3, 1925, in a speech to the Chamber, he took full responsibility for the murder as head of the Fascist party (although whether he gave a direct order for the murder remains uncertain) and dared his critics to prosecute him for the crime, a challenge that never was made since they were too weak to take it up.

The Matteotti Crisis marked a turning point in the history of Italian Fascism. Mussolini abandoned any plan of working with Parliament and took steps to create a totalitarian state, including suppression of the opposition press, exclusion of non-Fascist ministers, and formation of a secret police.

After World War II the democratic regime instituted a new inquiry, and the surviving three assassins were sentenced to 30 years in prison.

Joan Baez was born in Staten Island, New York. Her father was a physicist, born in Mexico, and her mother of Scottish and English descent. She grew up in New York and California, and when her father took a faculty position in Massachusetts, she attended Boston University and began to sing in coffeehouses and small clubs. Bob Gibson invited her to attend the 1959 Newport Folk Festival where she was a hit.

Vanguard Records signed Baez and in 1960 her first album, Joan Baez, came out. Baez was known for her soprano voice, her haunting songs, and, until she cut it in 1968, her long black hair. Early in her career she performed with Bob Dylan, and they toured together in the 1970s.

Subjected to racial slurs and discrimination in her own childhood because of her Mexican heritage and features, Joan Baez became involved with a variety of social causes early in her career, including civil rights and nonviolence. She was sometimes jailed for her protests. Joan Baez married David Harris, a Vietnam draft protestor, in 1968, and he was in jail for most of the years of their marriage. They divorced in 1973, after having one child, Gabriel Earl.

In 1967, the Daughters of the American Revolution denied Joan Baez permission to perform at Constitution Hall, resonating with their famous denial of the same privilege to Marian Anderson.

Early in her career, Joan Baez stressed historical folk songs, adding political songs to her repertoire during the 1960s. Later, she added country songs and more mainstream popular music, though always including many songs with political messages. She supported such organizations as Amnesty International and Humanitas International. Joan Baez continues to speak and sing for peaceful solutions to violence in the Middle East and Latin America.

Woody Guthrie is the original folk hero. It was Guthrie who, in the Thirties and Forties, transformed the folk ballad into a vehicle for social protest and observation. In so doing, he paved the way for Bob Dylan, Bruce Springsteen and a host of other folk and rock songwriters who have been moved by conscience to share experiences and voice opinions in a forthright manner. Guthrie wrote literally hundreds of songs, including such revered classics as “This Land Is Your Land,” “So Long, It’s Been Good to Know You,” “Grand Coulee Dam,” “I Ain’t Got No Home” and “Dust Bowl Refugees.” The colorful life he led became as legendary as the songs he wrote. Fueled by a boundless curiosity about the world, Guthrie hit the road during the Depression, hitchhiking and riding the rails across the Midwest and Far West. From those experiences came source material for his songs and a lifelong commitment to radical politics.

Woodrow Wilson Gurthrie was born on July 14th, 1912, in Okemah, Oklahoma. His father was a real-estate broker who fell on hard times, and his mother suffered from Huntington’s Chorea, a genetic nerve disorder that led to her death in a state mental hospital. Guthrie learned how to play guitar, mandolin, fiddle and harmonica in his adolescence. He also read and wrote voraciously, drew cartoons and painted. In the Thirties, Guthrie traveled and slept among migrants, hobos and Dust Bowl refugees, accumulating the life experiences that fueled his songs and stories (as well as an autobiography, Bound for Glory). By decade’s end, his populist convictions led him to embrace communism, although he was denied membership in the Communist Party because he refused to renounce religion.

Arriving in New York in 1940, Guthrie took the city’s left-wing community by storm. He performed on network radio, wrote a column for the Communist Daily Worker, played at strikes and rallies, and recorded prolifically for the Folkways label. All the while, the self-taught folksinger studied politics, economics, science and religion. By mid-decade, Guthrie began experiencing bouts of depression and disorientation that signaled the onset of Huntington’s Chorea (the genetic disorder that had afflicted his mother). His health slowly deteriorated and he was eventually confined to hospitals, where he was visited by young admirers like  Bob Dylan When he died on October 3rd, 1967, Guthrie left behind three wives, eight children (including folksinger Arlo Guthrie) and about a thousand songs.

Federico García Lorca was born in Fuente Vaqueros, Granada on the 5th of June, 1898 and died the 19th of August, 1936. His life spanned the years between the Year of Disaster and the Spanish Civil War which ultimately victimized him. He travelled throughout Spain and America, principally Argentina, living and writing some of the most beautiful poetry ever written. His poetry has been translated into a dozen languages and his name is known worldwide. His personal life is the subject of much debate now, relating to his tendencies and friends.

Lorca’s poetry and plays combine elements of Andalusion folklore with sophisticated and often surrealistic poetic techniques, cut across all social and educational barriers. Works include: Thus Five Years Pass, The Public, Dona Rosita. He is toted to have succeeded in the creation of a viable poetic idiom for the stage, superior to the works of his contemporaries, Yeats, Eliot and Claudel.

August 9, 1936, Falangist soldiers dragged the Spanish poet and playwright Federico Garcia Lorca into a field, shot him and tossed his body into an unmarked grave… Franco’s government tried to obliterate Lorca’s memory. His books were prohibited, his name forbidden.

One of the first and most famous casualties of the Spanish Civil War, Lorca quickly became an almost mythical figure, a symbol of all the victims of political oppression and fascist tyranny. People began speaking publicly about Lorca again in the late 1940’s, and The House of Barnardo Alba was the first of his plays to be produced in Spain (1950), since his death and since the end of the war. Though foreign influence helped to loosen the Franco regimes control over Lorca’s work, bans were still placed as late as 1971. Due to public outcry however, Lorca’s work was produced.

Lorca’s reconquest of the Spanish public, and his growing prestige among scholars is a relatively recent phenomenon. When his works began to recirculate freely, many people who knew only the Gypsy Ballads and two or three of the more popular plays considered Lorca a poet of limited interest and local color. When his later poetry -Poet in New York- and experimental plays such as The Public came to be better known and understood, attitudes changed.

Kien hemm waħda tgħix il-Bidnija
kella wiċċa ta’ waħda faqmija.
Kella ilsiena bla-brake
kienet veru tan-nejk
u kullħadd kien jgħidila poxtija.

Wieħed Għaxqi jismu Sansun
Il-Madonna iħobb bħall miġnun
Biex juri li sod
U kemm hu devot
Lil- Ġużeppi huwa juri il-qrun.

Waqt li kien qed jisraq għand Ġanni
Ġuże ħabat rasu mal-kanni
Il-Qorti ordnat
Permezz ta mandatt
Li Ġuże għandu jieħu tad-danni.

Jekk xi darba immur passiġġata
Sal-Birgu ix-xatt xi ġurnata
Għal li jista ikun
Taħsbu faċli li tkun
Illi insib nixtri tazza ruġġata?